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This is a blog for the community of Sociology 98/198, "Violence, Violation, and Vulnerability: From Visible to Invisible," in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, Spring 2010.
In an incident in Auschwitz, Jean Amery describes how, at a particular moment, he was forced to give "concrete form to my dignity by punching a human face." Bernstein's paper will interrogate the thesis, common to Amery and Frantz Fanon, that, as a consequence of the particular character of human embodiment, violent reprisal belongs to the grammar of human dignity.
J.M. Bernstein teaches philosophy at the New School for Social Research. His most recent book is Against Voluptuous Bodies: Late Modernism and the Meaning of Painting. He is now completing a work provisionally entitled Torture and Dignity.
Part of the Why War? Seminar Series.
I call misrecognition the fact of recognizing a violence which is wielded precisely inasmuch as one does not perceive it as such. / What I put under the term of ‘recognition’, then, is the set of fundamental, prereflexive assumptions that social agents engage by the mere fact of taking the world for granted, of accepting the world as it is, and of finding it natural because their mind is constructed according to cognitive structures that are issued out of the very structures of the world. What I understand by misrecognition certainly does not fall under the category of influence; I never talk of influence. It is not a logic of ‘communicative interaction’ where some make propaganda aimed at others that is operative here. It is much more powerful and insidious than that: being born in a social world, we accept a whole range of postulates, axioms, which go without saying and require no inculcating. This is why the analysis of the doxic [doxa: common belief] acceptance of the world, due to the immediate agreement of objective structures and cognitive structures, is the true foundation of a realistic theory of domination and politics. Of all forms of ‘hidden persuasion’, the most implacable is the one exerted, quite simply, by the order of things…
Pierre Bourdieu and Loic Wacquant, Symbolic Violence
Just a series of tentative, if not naive questions here:
What do we do with ‘misrecognition’ vis a vis personal behavior? To know there is plenty of misrecognition and to act accordingly? To believe we can interrupt or intervene it by individual behavior is to invite waves of anxiety, isolation, depression— and then the building of subcultures around these behaviors, anxiety, isolation, depression— is this a cost ‘we’ ask one another to pay? This, in a heroic-- but always limited-- attempt to spare one another the costs of daily life? Is that what 'politics' is? A kind of intervention that rests on a 'consciousness' or language? I will have to borrow from some one that kind of youth; I could only hope they would never foreclose.
This video emerged in June, 2010 in Seattle. It could be New Year's Eve 2009 on the Fruitvale Platform Station. It could be LA 1992; Benton Harbor, 2003; Paris, 2006. A Seattle friend recently forwarded it to twenty of his friends, many of whom defended the police officer. I wrote a basic response that I think in may ways parallels Zizek's project in 'Violence'-- it's an attempt to move from the static, immediate violence of individuals to a longer temporal scale of structural violence. If it is too basic, please forgive. A question I have in coming into this class (admittedly late) is the efficacy of using the term 'violence'-- it seems that this term operates in the moral realm: i.e. force plus morality equals 'violence'. 'Force' could allow us to talk about the possibility of 'liberatory' violence, rupture, insurrection. It seems that we find ourselves left with the (dead?) legacies of the 'violence/non-violence' identity formations assembled in 60s and 70s social movements. How to leave the moral realm? How to address and confront the violence of capital and the state asà es?
Without further adieu,
It's hard for me to take this act of force outside the context of the long legacy of state violence against minorities (I would say the euphemism 'people of color' here, but I think 'minority' is more accurate/useful in this specific schemata) in this country. Certain bodies are criminalized by the state while others are not. Criminalization means a lot of things; it means racialized incarceration rates, it means systematic exclusion from certain jobs on the one hand and unions on the other, it means long histories of displacement, it means real estate redlining, it means a cultural arena that presents your gender/sexuality as deviant, it means a racialized disparity of wealth, and sometimes it means a cop punching you in the face, or shooting you-- that is to say, direct force deployed against one's body. I'm not making this up, race informs how someone experiences an institution such as the police department.
Taking this into account, I don't think it's worth considering how scary it is to be a cop. I think we consider and internalize the point of view of the state very often-- if not all the time-- because we're convinced that we have a stake in ‘maintaining state power’/‘the social situation as is/a national stability. On the other hand I do think it's worth considering how scary it is to be pushed around by some man with a gun who represents the state (which is to say, he represents court hours, possible fines, possible jail time, the real possibility losing one's jobs, one's federal grants, one's children, etc.) for crossing the street-- just because he can humiliate her. And if she didn't fight back, as limited as it was, then it would have meant that she didn't know what the police are, but in fact, as she shows, she does. It's unfortunate to me that the others around didn't step up for her, to get the cop to leave. For me her fighting is about dignity, it's about context. We don't seriously understand what that cop's act of force is-- that is to say, beyond a 'did she deserve to be punched in the face?', which is really to ask 'didn't she ASK for it?'-- until we understand WHY she is in the position of being punched in the face by a strong arm of the state. What she demonstrates in her fighting is that she understands why. We can only hope to catch up.